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Publication Carmen Sanz Ayán. Un banquero en el Siglo de Oro. Octavio Centurión, el financiero de los Austrias(Asociación Española De Historia Económica, 2018-11-01) Alvarez Nogal, CarlosPublication Resources, Environment and Rural Development in Uruguay, 1779-1913(Cambridge University Press, 2022-06-01) Travieso Barrios, EmilianoPublication "Plata Doble" y el dilema monetario de la Monarquía Hispánica en el siglo XVII(Universidad de Cantabria, 2020-10-01) Álvarez Nogal, Carlos; Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (España)A principios del siglo xvn la Corona se enfrentó a un difícil dilema monetario: utilizar su metal precioso p ara acuñar pequeñas monedas de plata que facilitasen las transacciones más corrientes en los mercados, o acuñar monedas grandes (plata doble) que le facilitasen el acceso al crédito internacional. Se optó p or la segunda opción, poniendo la circulación monetaria de Castilla al servicio de la política exterior. Para lograr que hubiese moneda fraccionaria como reclamaban las ciudades, el Consejo de Hacienda ordenó que el metal precioso americano de particulares que llegaba en las flotas se acuñase en monedas pequeñas y prohibió cualquier tipo de premio en el cambio entre monedas de plata grandes y pequeñas. Ambas medidas fueron ineficaces.Publication La inversión extranjera en deuda pública al comenzar el reinado de Felipe IV(Universidad de Cantabria, 2023-05-01) Álvarez Nogal, Carlos; Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (España)Publication Realidad, ideología y terminología, entre la radicalización, la violencia política y el terrorismo yihadista(Grupo de Estudios en Seguridad Internacional, 2018-09-01) Jalloul Muro, HanaEvitar la radicalización violenta es uno de los grandes debates y desafíos que nos encontramos hoy en las sociedades occidentales. Aunque no toda radicalización hay que vincularla directamente ni con la violencia ni con el terrorismo, hay que prevenir la radicalización a priori para que esta no desemboque en los procesos mencionados. Del mismo modo, la implantación de medidas adecuadas para hacer frente a los procesos de desradicalización y que sean efectivas se presenta como algo muy necesario. El conocimiento de la terminología es de vital importancia para entender el significado, desarrollo y realidad de los términos que se presentan en esta publicación, así como para prevenir la manipulación política de los mismos por parte de los actores estatales y no estatales.Publication Overlapping polarization: On the contextual determinants of the interplay between ideological and affective polarization(Elsevier, 2023-06-08) Garmendia Madariaga, Amuitz; Riera Sagrera, PedroPrevious literature has distinguished two types of polarization: ideological and affective. However, little is known on how the interconnection of these two polarizations (which we call overlapping polarization) varies depending on the political context. Is affective polarization always associated with ideological polarization? What is the role of the institutional framework (i.e., democratic age and popular election of the head of state) and the party system (i.e., elite polarization and number of parties) in determining how wide this overlap is? This article examines the contextual determinants of overlapping polarization by using information from the four first CSES waves. According to our analyses, the individual-level positive effect of ideological polarization on affective polarization is stronger when the party system is ideologically polarized and in older democracies, and is weaker in presidential democracies and when the number of parties is higher.Publication Con tierra de por medio: patrimonio, política y exilio de los Güell- Comillas en la España de entreguerras (1918-1945)(CSIC, 2018-12-01) Faes Diaz, Enrique; Riesco Roche, SergioEl presente artículo tiene como objetivo analizar el período de entreguerras en España desde una óptica particular: la de cómo vivió esta procelosa época la casa Güell-Comillas, una de las grandes familias que construyó su patrimonio e influencia durante el siglo XIX. A partir de fuentes primarias diversas procedentes del Archivo Histórico Nacional, Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya, Centro Documental de la Memoria Histórica y Archivo del antiguo IRYDA, se estudia el papel desempeñado por Juan Antonio Güell López (tercer marqués de Comillas) y Juan Claudio Güell Churruca (conde de Ruiseñada) en la vida pública española durante el tracto cronológico de 1918 a 1945. Nos valemos de una combinación de prosopografía y acontecimiento histórico para aproximarnos al asunto tratando de observar la lógica interna del comportamiento de esta familia en una época que resultó especialmente conflictiva también para las élites. Las tensiones asociadas a la crisis de la Restauración, la Segunda República, la guerra civil y el primer franquismo no solo no alejaron a los Güell-Comilllas de su activismo económico y político, sino que los situaron en primer plano para participar, desde distintos lugares del arco conservador, de un tiempo tan complejo de forma muy activa y acomodaticia.Publication Young People's Critical Politicization in Spain in the Great Recession: A Generational Reconfiguration?(2018-09-18) Benedicto, Jorge; Ramos Martín, MaríaDuring the last decade, Spain has experienced, like other surrounding countries, a deep economic crisis accompanied by an unprecedented political and institutional crisis. This has led to a growing mistrust in institutions and a dissatisfaction with democracy, but also an increase in interest in politics, which implies an interesting change regarding other situations. Young people of the so-called 'crisis generation', who have socialized in a new and changing context, also participate in this process of change, and have moreover played a leading role in the public space. In order to analyze young people's politicization process, in this article we use data from the European Social Survey (rounds 1&-7, from 2000 to 2014) and the Young People in Spain Survey (2016). We developed a typology of attitudes towards politics and identified, using discrete choice models, the demographic and socioeconomic profile of young people particularly dissatisfied with politics. Our results show that, although young people socialized in the context of the crisis are very critical of politics, instead of moving further away from democratic politics or rejecting it openly, in most cases they politicize their discontent. Even those most critical of the way in which democracy works in the country have a very participatory political behavior, both in forms of nonelectoral and electoral participation.Publication Mechanisms of social movement success: conversation, displacement and disruption(Editorial CSIC, 2016-10-21) Fishman, Robert Michael; Everson, David W.; European Commission; Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (España)A great deal of social movement scholarship tends to assume - and in some cases explicitly argues - that disruption is the primary mechanism through which protest movements win major concessions from the holders of power. Nonetheless, some studies and much empirical evidence provide a strong basis to argue that other paths to social movement success also exist. The importance of discourse and framing has also been highlighted in a number of studies but we argue that the full contribution of talk itself to movement success is best captured through the concept of "conversation" and an examination of the preconditions for its viability. The successful displacement of power-holders by protest movements, although a less common pathway to success than disruption and conversation, also deserves conceptual and empirical attention. In this paper we make this set of distinctions conceptually explicit, differentiating analytically between these three mechanisms of movement success and delineating the conditions required for each mechanism to prove viable and 'useful'. We rely on extensive examples drawn from movements and protest events in the United States, Spain and Portugal, using this empirical material, as well as the existing theoretical literature, as our basis for constructing a conceptual argument on the ideal typical distinction between these three mechanisms and the conditions that allow them to operate. We also take up the questions of whether, and when, movement actors can successfully combine these mechanisms or - alternatively - find themselves pressed to pursue one or another of these pathways to success in a relatively 'pure' formPublication Experiencias de la participación militar española en misiones internacionales: el caso de los oficiales del Ejército de Tierra (1993-2015)(Asociación Española de Ciencia Política y de la Administración, 2016-11) Duran, Marien; Adé, Isabel; Martínez, Rafael; Calatrava García, AdolfoEl presente estudio aborda las experiencias de los oficiales del Ejército de Tierra español en 175 misiones militares internacionales con características de conflictos o guerras asimétricas entre los años 1993 y 2015. Concretamente el trabajo se basa en el análisis de cincuenta entrevistas semiestructuradas. A tal fin, hemos sistematizado estas experiencias en una serie de variables que sirven para identificar dichos conflictos: (i) procedimientos; (ii) limitaciones, y (iii) actores. De dichas variables hemos analizado concretamente los siguientes indicadores que constituyen los resultados de la investigación: en el apartado de los procedimientos hemos prestado atención a la capacitación y formación específica, la autonomía en la toma de decisiones, la formación de las unidades y el estilo de mando. Dentro de las limitaciones se han analizado las reglas de enfrentamiento y la logística. En cuanto a los actores nos hemos centrado en las relaciones con actores locales e internacionales, así como con los periodistas. Por último, se han abordado sus valoraciones globales e impactos sobre sus vidas cotidianas. Los resultados de este trabajo se integran en el estudio internacional comparado «Officer and Commander in Asymmetric Warfare Operations», auspiciado por el grupo de trabajo «The Military Profession» del European Research Group on Armed Forces and Society (ERGOMAS).Publication Democracia republicana y confianza en América Latina: la esperanza que no llega, que no alcanza(Universidad Autónoma de la Ciudad de México (UACM), 2016-01-01) Wences Simón, María Isabel; Güemes, María Cecilia; Comunidad de MadridEn un contexto de desencanto democrático, ¿puede el gobierno abierto revertir la desconfianza en América Latina? Sobre esta pregunta, planteamos dos objetivos: a) evaluar cómo iniciativas de gobierno abierto buscan mejorar la eficiencia de los gobiernos y, consiguientemente, fomentan la confianza; y b) problematizar, a partir de la teoría republicana, algunas ideas (estado de derecho y equidad) que se enraízan en recomendaciones internacionales (OCDE y OGP) que intentan generar confianza. Para alcanzar tales fines, primero revisamos la literatura sobre confianza deslindando el concepto y argumentando su importancia para la democracia. Segundo, describimos iniciativas que buscan reconstruir confianza. Tercero, fundamentamos normativamente las medidas promovidas y especificamos qué valores deberían orientar a las mismas. Concluimos reclamando cautela frente a las expectativas que tales proyectos generan.Publication Playing Out: A Movement for Movement?(Frontiers Media, 2018-11-01) Viñas Chiappini, Verónica Esther; Pike, Elisabeth C. J.; Page, AngieIn 2009, the "Playing Out" project was set up in Bristol in the United Kingdom by a parent-led community group who were seeking to address concerns about the lack of freedom for young people to play outside. Playing Out has, as its primary purpose, supporting children to "play out" where they live through providing the space within which children might engage in informal play and physical activity, while also improving relations between neighbors and developing a sense of community. This paper examines the potential of Playing Out for fostering community cohesion by undertaking interviews with participants, officials and policy-makers, alongside some observation of Playing Out events, between 2013 and 2016. In particular, we evaluate the significance of social capital for the development, and success, of a community-led initiative to influence policy outcomes and increase physical activity levels in the local population, giving consideration to the ways in which social movement concepts build on, and strengthen, social capital. In many societies, such activities take place within a context of neoliberalism, where social order is viewed as being dependent on individual responsibility: governments are deregulated, social programs are cut and/or privatized, and social problems have to be solved by individual, private solutions. Our findings draw on the work of Putnam (1993, 1996, 2000) to demonstrate that social capital is both cause and effect in the success of initiatives such as Playing Out, and that when social capital is combined with elements of a social movement, there can be more fundamental and sustained outcomes.Publication Employment Outcomes of Ethnic Minorities in Spain: Towards Increasing Economic Incorporation among Immigrants and the Second Generation?(Cogitatio, 2018-01-01) Fernández Reino, Mariña; Ramos Aitken, Maria Isabel; Radl, Jonas; European CommissionThis article examines the labour market outcomes of immigrants in Spain, a country that has become a migration destination only since the end of the 1990s. Differentiating between first and second generation of immigrant descent, we compare the labour market involvement of the main ethnic groups with the majority group. One particular focus is to understand which minorities have been hit the hardest by the Great Recession. To this end, we use data from the European Union Labour Force Survey for the years 2008 and 2014, and more specifically the two ad-hoc modules on the labour market situation of migrants. Analysing men and women separately, we run a set of multivariate logistic regression models to control for compositional differences. In this way, we examine ethnic gaps not only in labour force participation but also in the degree of underutilisation of human capital, measured as workers' level of over-education as well as the incidence of involuntary part-time employment. Our results show that while most origin groups do not show significantly lower employment participation than the majority group, the employment quality of immigrants in terms of involuntary part-time work and over-education is substantially worse, especially since the crisis.Publication El papel de las capitales en la construcción de la identidad territorial en las naciones sin estado(Universidad Rey Juan Carlos de Madrid, 2016-09) Casal Oubiña, DanielLa designación de una ciudad como capital es uno de los momentos trascendentales en la construcción nacional. Las capitales tienen un extraordinario valor simbólico pues es en ellas se sitúan las instituciones y afirman y muestran su poder, además pueden concentrar organismos culturales y económicos que refuercen su centralidad. El objetivo principal de este artículo es analizar si en el caso de algunas de las "naciones sin estado" el desarrollo de sus instituciones de autogobierno imita, en lo que a la capitalidad se refiere, a los Estados. Para ello el paper describe y define indicadores de centralidad y se aplican a las ciudades de Quebec, Edimburgo, Bruselas, Vitoria, Santiago de Compostela y Barcelona.Publication Forensic analysis of Turkish elections in 2017-2018(PLoS, 2018-10-05) Klimek, Peter; Hinteregger, Abraham; Thurner, Stefan; Jiménez Recaredo, Raúl José; Hidalgo Trenado, ManuelWith a majority of 'Yes' votes in the Constitutional Referendum of 2017, Turkey continued its drift towards an autocracy. By the will of the Turkish people, this referendum transferred practically all executive power to president Erdogan. However, the referendum was confronted with a substantial number of allegations of electoral misconducts and irregularities, ranging from state coercion of 'No' supporters to the controversial validity of unstamped ballots. Here we report the results of an election forensic analysis of recent Turkish elections to clarify to what extent it is plausible that these voting irregularities were present and able to influence the outcome of the referendum. We apply statistical forensics tests to identify the specific nature of the alleged electoral malpractices. In particular, we test whether the data contains fingerprints for ballot stuffing (submission of multiple ballots per person during the vote) and voter rigging (coercion and intimidation of voters). Additionally, we perform tests to identify numerical anomalies in the election results. For the 2017 Constitutional Referendum we find systematic and highly significant statistical support for the presence of both ballot stuffing and voter rigging. In 11% of stations we find signs for ballot stuffing with a standard deviation (uncertainty of ballot stuffing probability) of 2.7% (4 sigma event). Removing such ballot-stuffing-characteristic anomalies from the data would tip the overall balance from 'No' to a majority of 'Yes' votes. The 2017 election was followed by early elections in 2018 to directly vote for a new president who would now be head of state and government. We find statistical irregularities in the 2018 presidential and parliamentary elections similar in size and direction to those in 2017. These findings validate that our results unveil systematic and potentially even fraudulent biases that require further attention in order to combat electoral malpractices.Publication Financial remittances, trans-border conversations, and the state(Springer, 2016-11-01) Meseguer, Covadonga; Lavezzolo Pérez, Sebastián; Aparicio, JavierHow does the reception of remittances change the views of those left behind? In this paper, we compare the impact of financial remittances (transmission of money) with the impact of social remittances (transmission of ideas and values) on preferences about the role of the state in the economy (in particular, the role of the state in creating jobs, reducing inequality, and securing citizens’ well-being). Using data from the Latin American Public Opinion Project (2008–2010), we find that social learning via cross-border communication is positively associated with preference for an enhanced role of the state.Publication Los años sin rey. Imaginarios aristocráticos durante la Segunda República y el primer franquismo (1931-1950)(Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales, 2016-07-01) Artola Blanco, Miguel; Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (España)Since the fall of the monarchy in 1931 and until the late 1940s, the Spanish aristocracy actively participated in monarchist circles that sought to restore the Bourbon dynasty on the throne. As part of this policy, the nobility articulated a coherent program with their nature as a status group, which sought to preserve the old liberal order, safeguard elites versus mass society and eliminate the double menace of democracy and "social demagogy". However, aristocratic politics went beyond a simple counter revolutionary formula and saw in corporatism a perfect solution to bring harmony among social actors.Publication Actitudes hacia la participación ciudadana en personas mayores(CIS, 2017-12) Ahmed Mohamed, KarimLa evidencia empírica tradicional ha señalado que las personas de más edad tienen actitudes más refractarias a participar en el ámbito político y social. Sin embargo, es un área de investigación todavía inconclusa, debido a la imposibilidad metodológica que provoca no poder atender simultáneamente los efectos conjuntos de la edad, la generación política de pertenencia y el periodo considerado. Este trabajo sortea esta problemática tratando la edad no como variable continua, sino agrupada y utilizando cinco muestras cuasilongitudinales provenientes de la Encuesta Mundial y de la Encuesta Europea de Valores y del Banco de Datos del CIS, abarcando un periodo de casi treinta años. Los resultados revelan que, cuando se controlan simultáneamente así estos efectos, el ciclo vital no resulta un factor explicativo de las actitudes hacia la participación ciudadana.Publication The Quality of the Venezuelan Democracy under Hugo Chávez (1999-2013)(University of Salento, SIBA, 2017-03-15) Corrales, Javier; Hidalgo Trenado, ManuelFollowing the work of Morlino (2012) and Katz and Morlino (2012), we evaluate the quality of democracy in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez. We argue that by the end of this administration, Venezuela became a hybrid regime. In those instances in which operated as a democracy, institutional quality was low; in other instances, the regime exhibited clear autocratic features.Publication Testing for voter rigging in small polling stations(American Association for the Advancement of Science, 2017-06-02) Jiménez Recaredo, Raúl José; Hidalgo Trenado, Manuel; Klimek, Peter; European Commission; Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (España)Nowadays, a large number of countries combine formal democratic institutions with authoritarian practices. Althoughin these countries the ruling elites may receive considerable voter support, they often use several manipulation toolsto control election outcomes. A common practice of these regimes is the coercion and mobilization of large numbersof voters. This electoral irregularity is known as voter rigging, distinguishing it from vote rigging, which involves ballotstuffing or stealing. We develop a statistical test to quantify the extent to which the results of a particular electiondisplay traces of voter rigging. Our key hypothesis is that small polling stations are more susceptible to voter riggingbecause it is easier to identify opposing individuals, there are fewer eyewitnesses, and interested parties might reasonablyexpect fewer visits from election observers. We devise a general statistical method for testing whether votingbehavior in small polling stations is significantly different from the behavior in their neighbor stations in a way that isconsistent with the widespread occurrence of voter rigging. On the basis of a comparative analysis, the methodenables third parties to conclude that an explanation other than simple variability is needed to explain geographicheterogeneities in vote preferences. We analyze 21 elections in 10 countries and find significant statistical anomaliescompatible with voter rigging in Russia from 2007 to 2011, in Venezuela from 2006 to 2013, and in Uganda in 2011.Particularly disturbing is the case of Venezuela, where the smallest polling stations were decisive to the outcome of the2013 presidential elections.