DCS - POL - Documentos Política y Gestión

Permanent URI for this collection

http://dspace.uc3m.es/handle/10016/587

Browse

Now showing 1 - 20 of 20

El contenido de la territorialidad del artículo 69.1 CE: una aproximación politológico electoral
(2011-05) Garre Pelegrina, Santiago; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Instituto de Política y Gobernanza; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Sociología
As it has been analyzed, the Spaniard Senate suffers a dysfunctional problem: on the one hand it’s established on the 69.1 CE the Senate is the territorial chamber of representatives and on the other one it’s established that it is a sober second thought chamber. At the same time it has been observed that the general elections have driven to symmetrical majorities between the House of Representatives and the Senate even when the electoral formulas are substantively different. This paper identifies the main reason on the constituency. Through electoral simulations it has been proved that the electoral formula and the simultaneity on time of the elections for the Spaniard Parliament (Cortes Generales) are less influential than the constituency. The scenarios proposed introduce the autonomic community as constituency and shows the psychological effects on the electorate changing the symmetrical majorities on most of the elections.
El conflicto tribal de Irlanda del Norte
(2011-04) Ruiz Martínez, Javier; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Instituto de Política y Gobernanza; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Sociología
From the end of the 60s to the end of the 90s, Northern Ireland underwent a tough process of political violence. The political conflict passed to be placed into the sphere of party competition to the arena of tribal violence and back again. This paper summarizes the main facts and reasons that provoked the conflict and the way to get out of it. It finishes with the conclusion of the Belfast Agreement and the devolution of powers to the new Northern Ireland government.
Regional Cleavage Influence towards Island Electoral Behavior: evidences from the Canaries
(2010) Tuñón, Jorge; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Instituto de Política y Gobernanza; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Sociología
The Canary Islands are a region with legislative capacities within the European Union (EU). It has had always serious socio-economic deficits. Its distance to its political and geographical centers, its fragmentation and the weakness of its geographical neighbours highly remarked its Centre-Periphery cleavage towards both, Madrid and Brussels. Regarding to the regional/national cleavage (at political level mainly represented by the non-State wide parties), the Canary political framework has been large and varied. Therefore, Canary politics presents so often insular parties, local ones, several large electoral coalitions and independent candidatures. Among this political parties diversity, the Coalición Canaria (CC) birth (1993) and immediate electoral success and regional government performance (until nowadays), represents the main issue of the contemporary Canary nationalism (Tuñón, 2008b). The specific Archipelago electoral regulations and the lack of regional political arch fragmentation (only the left and the right-wing national parties, PSOE and PP, get significant records within the Archipelago) promoted the CC regional government leading majorities’ continuity during the last fifteen years. However, the regional coalition electoral decline has been progressive since it got its top ballot boxes records in 1999 and 2000. How does then the regional/national cleavage influence the Islands voters? Has its importance decreased over the years? Does the centre-periphery issue variable influence equally Canary voter’s choices within Local, Regional, National and European elections? How would it then be possible to measure the Regional cleavage influence towards electoral behaviour in the Canary Islands? The proposed exploratory research will be carried out through findings, mainly due to the available Islands electoral records and its qualitative analysis method interpretation. Thus, the text will seek to analytically answer every above single proposed question about how the Ultra-Peripheral (Regional) cleavage influences both, the political parties’ framework and the electoral behaviour in the Canary Islands.
Silvio Berlusconi's party of only children: the organizational model of Forza Italia
(2010) Mariotti, Claudia; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Instituto de Política y Gobernanza; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Sociología
Since it was founded in 1994, Silvio Berlusconi’s party, “Forza Italia”, turned over the traditional shape of the Italian political system. Its structure doesn’t fit any of the classifications which have been created from the time of Duverger on, except perhaps for Angelo Panebianco’s definition (1982) of charismatic party. The object of the paper is the parliamentary class of Forza Italia, which can be almost totally overlapped to the party class, differently from what happened in mass ideological parties. This overlap has two main reasons: the gain for the party in having its executives paid directly from public institutions, and above all – the degree of control that the party leader achieves, having the power to choose the candidates and - as a result - a huge direct power on the party structure itself, making party statutes actually uneffective. The research, conducted by interviewing 50 members of the Parliament of Forza Italia with the methods of vignettes and open interviews, tries to explain the power relationships between party executives, members of the Parliament and the leader.
Europa rehace su historia: 1948-2009. Sesenta años de construcción europea común
(2010) Martínez Cuadrado, Miguel; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Instituto de Política y Gobernanza; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Sociología
Le Traité de Lisbonne ne résoudra pas la crise institutionnelle à partir de la position réformiste émanant du Traité de Maastricht. Les institutions, les relations institutionnelles, la formation d’un Parlemrnt excessivement nombreux, auquel on critique une tendance à l’excès de régulation , menacent la solidité du système fédératif et sa cohérence dans l’ensemble des vingt sept pays. Les problèmes institutionnels ne trouveront pas de solution adéquate devant les citoyens, tant que les partis nationaux refuseront de conformer un système européen de partis politiques et accepter l’élection au suffrage universel de la présidence de l’Union. Le système fédératif original de l’Union ne pourra se développer sans ces prémisses qui doivent réduire le leadership des états membres à sa véritable dimension.
La banalización de la política. La televisión y los nuevos medios contra la virtud cívica
(2009-12-20) Redondo Rodelas, Javier; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Instituto de Política y Gobernanza; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Sociología. Área de Ciencia Política y de la Administración
Studies on political participation, republicanism and participative democracy are on the increase. Partly, this is a consequence of the much potential that new technologies offer in order to promote political participation. Nevertheless, the studies in this field are focused on stressing the goodness of participation, leaving two important things aside. On one hand, researches in the field of Political Communication mark out the concept of political participation, and do not attend –because it is not their ambit of study- to the redefinition of the concepts of politics and the political. On the other hand, analysis in the field of Political Theory leave aside one question that, by definition, stay on the sidelines of their subject of study, but which is essential in order to understand the phenomena which is causing the connections between politics and new technologies: the form that politics is acquiring in the new public sphere, which includes the new communication media. Participative democracy emphasizes the promotion of participation and, in consequence, the development of civic virtue. The question is, ¿what should we understand by civic virtue in a media society? And, ¿in which way is the idea of politics influenced by the new media and the sense that communication is acquiring? These are the main questions that this paper tries to answer.
Los cartoons editoriales tras el 11-S
(2009-12-20) Losada Maestre, Roberto; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Sociología; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Instituto de Política y Gobernanza
The dreadful 11-S terrorist attack was deeply endured by people of United States. Tragedy was experienced trough the sharp and powerful images live TV was issuing. People who saw that awful portrayal of reality, numbed in front of their TV sets, became terrified guess of the largest terrorist attack their country had ever suffered. As usual in this kind of situations, links with reality were cut and the whole nation needed to overcome the mourning phase to achieve the total restoration of normal life. Unfortunately, even if media coverage of the drama allowed people to accomplish the healing phase of taking conscience and responsibility about the facts, fear established its realm over United States population, so blocking the final triumph over drama through the restoration of safety feeling. Since humour appears only in an environment of safety, editorial cartoons could not show humour but melancholy. This work tries to explain how melancholy, which is intimately related with nationalism, came to be the way through which healing was pursued and how editorial cartoons manifested it.
Venezuela : izquierda, populismo y democracia en tiempos de Chávez
(2008) Hidalgo Trenado, Manuel; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Sociología. Área de Ciencia Política y de la Administración; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Instituto de Política y Gobernanza
The rise of Hugo Chávez to power in 1999 has brought fundamental political changes and socioeconomic transformations to Venezuela. The main goal of this paper is to briefly analyze a sociopolitical proc-ess so sui generis and contradictory that goes against Latin American progressive experiences. Although the elites have appealed to the establishment of a socialist model from 2004 on, Chávez’s Government is not a leftist one. It can be better conceptualized as a (neo) populism that combines old-fashion radical ideas with democratic, authoritarian, militarist, and personalist characteristics. While some improvements of the socioeconomic conditions of the lower classes and the introduction of innovative local sociopolitical instruments can not be denied, at the same time it must be highlighted the deterioration of liberal and representative principles and institu-tions. Moreover, the exercise of some rights and liberties has wors-ened and democracy has been hindered by a highly polarized political environment. In addition, doubts remain about the building of a new economic development since the elites have exacerbated a rentier model. In sum, there is not evidence that the chavistas are constructing a new democratic socialism. Because the current political project de-pends heavily on the leadership of the President and the income pro-vided by petroleum, the so called “21st Century Socialism” is highly vulnerable and its export to other countries of the region unlikely.
Funciones de gobierno y seguridad ciudadana
(2008) Méndez Bahena, Benjamín; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Sociología. Área de Ciencia Política y de la Administración; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Instituto de Política y Gobernanza
The growth of the crimes usually is faced in many countries by increasing the budget of the agencies in charge to face the crime and the prison sentences, without obtaining good results. This paper proposes that a proper management does not resolve by itself the phenomenon of the citizen security, but an inadequate management exacerbates the insecurity. This means that the form to manage the security is important. It suggests an approach which understands the citizen security as one more of the assets that the government is obliged to provide to their citizens. Therefore, the proper functioning of the institutions requires collaboration of other agencies; likewise, the public policies designed to provide security must be part of the social policy of the government.
Prestige y 11-M : la vertebración política de la gestión de catástrofes
(2008) Vanaclocha Bellver, Francisco José; Natera Peral, Antonio; García Sánchez, Ester; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Sociología. Área de Ciencia Política y de la Administración; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Instituto de Política y Gobernanza
Between 2002 and 2004 Spain was jolted by two big crisis scenarios with a very different nature but two common characteristics. On one hand, they required an immediate response of some magnitude and complex management. On the other, they both caused a very deep impact on Spanish society and politics. Such two characteristics made them especially interesting in order to analyzed multiple aspects related to decisionmaking and “first response” management as a reaction against catastrophes. We can also withdraw several lessons about which factors and criteria are employed by critical actors to evaluate crisis management and “first response” as successful. This article focuses on the lessons learned by analyzing two singular events occurred in Spain and partly associated to very Spanish civic culture keys and political dynamics. At the same time, both of them have similar features and iconic meaning to other more recent crisis occurred in other places around the world. The first case studied is the crisis provoked by the accident of the oil ship “Prestige”, drawn in November 2002, 130 miles away from the Spanish coast in Galicia. It poured around 64.000 tones of oil in the Atlantic Ocean. It provoked a huge ecological disaster mainly in Galicia though to a great extent it reached 2.500Kms of coastal line, from the North of Portugal to the South of France. The second one is the terrorist attack of March 11th, 2004 in Madrid. A cell of Islamist terrorists linked to Al Qaeda made explode simultaneously ten bombs in train stations and suburban trains in four different locations. More than 1.600 people were injured and 191 were killed. The analysis of crisis management success criteria and factors is framed in two competitive research projects 1 . Three different qualitative research techniques are employed: (a) interviews to critical actors involved in crisis management; (b) semistructured questionnaires addressed to key informants; and (c) four workshops, composed by experts, managers and decisionmakers involved in Prestige Oil Spill and M11 crisis. The method used is an original and renewed version of the Nominal Group Technique (NGT). The application of these techniques was complemented with the information obtained out of other sources such as official reports, press releases, articles and specialized monographs and some results of the inquiries carried out by the Spanish Center of Sociological Research (CIS)
Reflexiones sobre las raíces del nacionalismo étnico vasco y su influencia en el proceso político
(2008) Cases Méndez, José Ignacio; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Sociología. Área de Ciencia Política y de la Administración; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Instituto de Política y Gobernanza
The objective of the working paper is to establish a relationship between the Basque nationalist ideology in its two principal manifestations (the nonterrorist approach of the PNV and the terrorist movement of ETA) and the influence that it exerts on the general political activity of Spain’s democracy as well as on the daytoday lives of the people in the country. The main reason for the role played by this phenomenon is not the weight of the nationalist ideology itself (which Spain’s population sees as antiquated), but rather the “pro domo sua” use which nonterrorist nationalism makes of the acts of violence and the threats against democracy by the terrorists. Following an analysis of the main characteristics defining the Basque nationalist ideology, the conclusion is that the PNV consists of a bourgeois machinery designed at the end of the 19th century in order to attain and hold power with a scarcely democratic ideological base, which uses the support of the terrorist movement (even though it may not share all of its objectives, which ETA defines ambiguously as independence and socialism) but rather because the terrorist activity facilitates the line of argumentation that the terrible violence inflicted upon the Basque people can only be resolved by means of political concessions which should lead to independence under the guidance of the PNV. This is nothing more than a fallacy, ignoring the fact that Basque society is not a homogeneous society, but rather is terribly divided into two halves, to which a democratic decisionmaking mechanism of a simple majority cannot be applied, as the situation calls for a consociationbased democracy. Even a number of outstanding nonterrorist nationalists believe that it is neither possible nor acceptable to carry out a reform of the Statute that would involve the supplanting of the political subject constituted on the basis of a covenant by another political subject constituted simply by the decision of a relative majority.
La contribución de los partidos políticos en México o El misionero, el arquitecto y Robin Hood
(2008) Vargas Paredes, Saúl M.; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Sociología. Área de Ciencia Política y de la Administración; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Instituto de Política y Gobernanza
This document has two objectives: first, to evaluate the political parties’ contribution to Mexican democracy, second, to evaluate the actual situation of Mexican political transition. We intend to focus our analysis in the three most important political parties in the country: Partido de Acción Nacional (PAN), Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), and Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD). The role of political parties in the building of Mexican democracy has been dissimilar. The PAN contributed to disseminate and to build institutions and democratic values; the PRI enhanced political stability and institutionality —two essential elements in democracy’s life—, and the PRD embodied social policies in Mexican democratic agenda. The methodology employed is more theoretical than historical because the conceptual component that impels the analysis is democratic theory. We’ll analyze only the last 25 years because Mexico has experimented the most important political changes in that period.
A pied-piper situation : do bureaucratic researchers produce more science?
(2006) Fernández Carro, José Remo; Lapuente Giné, Víctor; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Sociología. Área de Ciencia Política y de la Administración; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Instituto de Política y Gobernanza
¿Puede un científico confiar en que el gobierno le va a pagar honestamente? En la relación entre la ciencia y el Estado, el gobernante sale ganando si no paga (o si no paga honradamente). Todo científico público, así, afronta el riesgo de que tras una carrera larga y difícil el gobernante cambie las reglas del juego. A pesar de que la solución a este problema de credibilidad es lo que da forma a las instituciones de la ciencia pública el problema ha sido rara vez estudiado teórica o empíricamente en los estudios de la ciencia. En este trabajo proponemos un modelo de esa relación entre gobiernos y científicos de acuerdo con la teoría de juegos que muestra la importancia del tipo de contrato que los vincula, el que sea más o menos burocrático en un sentido weberiano. Hasta cierto punto, los contratos burocráticos —como los de los funcionarios— protegen a los científicos contra el mal comportamiento de los gobernantes. Mediante esas reglas burocráticas, los contratos atan las manos del gobierno con lo que se hace creíble su compromiso a la vez que se protege el delicado sistema de recompensas de la ciencia. De esta manera se estimula la productividad tanto en calidad como en cantidad. Sin embargo, cuando se da el caso de gobiernos fiables los contratos burocráticos limitan los sistemas de incentivos y van en contra tanto de la receptividad de los científicos a las demandas de los gobiernos o de la sociedad como, al final, al interés de los gobiernos por el producto que ofrecen. En este trabajo utilizamos evidencia comparada entre países que confirma las proposiciones del modelo teórico y muestra cómo los contratos burocráticos estimulan la productividad científica en el caso de gobiernos poco confiables —como en el caso de las dictaduras— pero limitan esa productividad con gobiernos más fiables — como las democracias—.
Un concepto de actor para la ciencia política
(2006) García Sánchez, Ester; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Sociología. Área de Ciencia Política y de la Administración; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Instituto de Política y Gobernanza
The concept of actor is widely employed in social sciences as well as in politicians and journalists’ discourse. That is why it is so striking the lack of definitions. We assume that this concept must be defined in operational terms so that can orientate both theoretical analysis and empirical research. By examining the academic debates on this subject, we propose a definition of the term that serves to determine when an individual or a group of individuals can be considered as actors. Based on this, we make a distinction between two main types of collective actors -nominal actors and collective actors. Since actions and/or decisions are in the core of the concept, we conclude focusing on those factors that have an impact upon actors’ actions and decisions.
El nuevo terrorismo global y sus implicaciones para los Balcanes
(2006) Dronzina, Tatyana; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Sociología. Área de Ciencia Política y de la Administración; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Instituto de Política y Gobernanza
This text analyses the process and consequences of penetration of what I call new global terrorism in the Balkans and its impact on the development of ethnic conflicts in the zone. It is suggested that the islamists’ presence is one of the factors radicalizing conflicts and that new global terrorism and illegal trafficking are becoming one of important actors in the regional political stage. At the beginning I try to give a working definition of terrorism and design of new global terrorism; then I study its implications for the Balkans. The main hypothesis is that ethnic conflicts in the post communist world, and especially in the zone, cannot be properly explained without taking into consideration non public power actors. Penetration of new global terrorism structures is analyzed in the context of four important circumstances: fragmentation of former Yugoslavia and settlement of grey zones out of State control; development of what is usually called “new wars”; appearance and evolution of armed organizations and their relations with terrorism and organized crime structures; and the revitalization of Islam. Finally, an evaluation is made that Balkans are probably not such an important place for the new global terrorism structures as Middle East and Western Europe, but are and probably will be used by it because of permeability of borders, poor border control, and their proximity to EU countries.
Traumatic renewal of values and value criteria in crisis management
(2005) Vanaclocha Bellver, Francisco José; Martinón, Ruth; Losada Maestre, Roberto; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Sociología. Área de Ciencia Política y de la Administración
This work tries to be an empirical sample in the study of learning in public policies, that is, how learning is linked to policy change. Particularly, we have studied political-administrative elites’ learning process on crisis provoked by oil spill off the coast of Spain. After expounded our premises about policy learning and the working hypothesis that have guided our work, we explain the methodology we have employed: the Nominal Group Technique, its advantages in this kind of research and how we used it. Finally, we display the reflection generated from the empirical work to better understand policy learning process. In this sense, political factors have been revealed as absolutely essential in order to explain what political-administrative elites learn and whatever they decide to implement. Aspects that make crises different from each other (these being technical aspects) show up as less important than political ones. Political aspects make crisis similar, because of political reasons behind the decision, communication, and attention strategies. Two concepts have appeared as the connection of crisis and elites’ learning: sensitization and political profitability. The former means the process of becoming fully aware of the problem, being concerned about it, and predisposed towards a faster and more coherent action. At the same time, it is difficult to imagine a government undertaking polices that involve political costs, or anything proved to be unprofitable. This is especially true of learning and implementation of whatever has been learnt from crisis that happened in distant points of time.
On democracy in Europe and democratization of Europe
(2004) Schmitter, Philippe C.; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Sociología. Área de Ciencia Política y de la Administración
For better or worse, the future of democracy in Europe has come to depend on the democratization of Europe, i.e. on redesigning the institutions of the European Union so that they are more accountable to the citizens of Europe. While there is not yet much evidence of an awareness of this “democratic deficit” in mass publics, there are abundant Europe-wide signs of increased politicization -most of which point to growing popular resistance to the further expansion of the scope and authority of European integration. Moreover, both monetary unification and impending Eastern enlargement seem destined to exacerbate rather than attenuate tensions over the uneven distribution of benefits. Were this not enough, there is mounting evidence that EU institutions and policies are having a significant impact upon the practice of “domestic democracy” in its member states, and that, at least in some aspects, this has undermined the legitimacy and effectiveness of established national political institutions.
Las ideas en las políticas públicas: el enfoque de las coaliciones promotoras
(2005) Martinón, Ruth; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Sociología. Área de Ciencia Política y de la Administración
One characteristic of the contemporary policy studies is to consider that ideas play an independent role. The Advocacy Coalition Framework is an attractive sample of this as it tries to explain policy change, paying special attention to cognitive aspects: ideas, beliefs, values, learning, knowledge… However, the Advocacy Coalition Framework considers cognitive aspects as a part of a more extensive framework that allows us to verify the real function of the ideas through empirical analysis. It is very respectful with methodological aspects and offers a theoretical framework that helps policy analysis and political science to obtain a better understanding of the policy complex processes. The Advocacy Coalition Framework focuses on the study of policy change based on three premises: a) understanding policy change and the role of policy-oriented learning therein requires a time perspective of at least one decade; b) it is important to study policy change through a focus on policy subsystems (that is the interaction of those actors from public and private organizations, and from different levels of government, who are actively concerned with a policy problem or issue); c) public policies can be conceptualized in the same manner than beliefs systems, that means as sets of value priorities and causal assumptions about how to realize them. Based on this, and regarding the difference between policy subsystem and the global political system in which the subsystem is inserted, and between the stable and dynamic parameters, policy change is considered the result of several variables: A) Relatively stable parameters: basic attributes of the problem area, basic distribution of natural resources, essential sociocultural values as well as social and constitutional structure; B) Dynamic system events: changes in socio-economic conditions and technology, changes in the systemic governing conditions, policy decisions and impacts from other subsystems; C) And the inner dynamic of the subsystem: the competitive interaction of advocacy coalitions formed by those actors who share basic beliefs and are sufficiently coordinated for changing rules, budgets, etcetera, in order to achieve their aims through the time, or in other words, to transfer their beliefs systems into public policies. We concentrate our attention on this last group of factors, because they include the cognitive aspects. The basic argument of the Advocacy Coalition Framework is that, while policy-oriented learning is an important aspect of policy change and can often alter secondary aspects of a coalition’s belief system, changes in the core aspects of a policy are usually the results of perturbations in noncognitive external factors to the subsystem such as macro-economic conditions or the rise of a new systemic governing coalition. This is because to be able to translate their beliefs into public policies o programs, advocacy coalitions need resources and opportunities and these mainly depend on not cognitive parameters. The Advocacy Coalition Framework makes possible the empirical study of the beliefs systems by developing carefully their structure. And it investigates the role of policy oriented learning through the analysis of needed conditions to enable this learning in each individual, within an advocacy coalition and between different coalitions. All these aspects are based on a model of individual that emphasizes that people are not only guided by their interests and that their conception of the world is deeply affected by the limited human capacity to process and analyse information, and by all the problems related with cognitive dissonance.
Las cumbres iberoamericanas en perspectiva española
(2005) Alcántara Sáez, Manuel; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Sociología. Área de Ciencia Política y de la Administración
The present work is about the last “Cumbre Iberoamericana” that took place in Salamanca and was held in the frame of precedent similar meetings. The following pages develop the outlook of different Spanish governments and show the main changes made in the whole system, they are especially focused in the establishment of an Iberoamerican General Secretary. The powerful and everlasting ideological content of this kind of summits is enhanced in order to show how these summits are interpreted by the different political parties in accordance with their political programs. The public declarations of Prime Ministers and Foreign Affairs Ministers that are been produced from 1991 until today show this path.
La noción de gobernanza como gestión pública participativa y reticular
(2004) Natera Peral, Antonio; Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Departamento de Ciencia Política y Sociología. Área de Ciencia Política y de la Administración
En este documento de trabajo se aborda la perspectiva de la gobernanza como una nueva forma de entender las relaciones Estadosociedad en el marco de las transformaciones estatales producidas en las últimas décadas. Al margen de otras aproximaciones, se considera específico de la noción de gobernanza la consideración de acción del gobierno como gestión de redes en las que participan una multiplicidad de actores públicos y privados, a cuyo su análisis se presta la atención preferente. Dos de los ámbitos de mayor desarrollo, en cuanto a número de estudios, de la perspectiva de la gobernanza son, por una parte, el ámbito local en relación con la gestión de redes de participación ciudadana y, por otra parte, el ámbito supranacional vinculado concretamente a las formas de “gobierno multinivel” en la Unión Europea. A estos espacios se dedican sendas reflexiones generales, en tanto que ejemplos del modo en que se define en ellos la perspectiva de la gobernanza. Se concluye con el esbozo de algunos problemas típicos de los sistemas de gobernanza.

Browse

Recent Submissions