xmlui.dri2xhtml.METS-1.0.item-contributor-funder:
Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación (España)
Sponsor:
Previous versions of this paper were presented in the University of York, in the 2018, 2021 and 2022 Annual Meetings of the European Political Science Association, the 2022 Meeting of the Council of European Studies, and in the Conference Europe at the Crossroads: European challenges for national politics, held in the Institute of Social Sciences of the University of Lisbon (ICS-ULisboa) in 2018. We thank participants for all their feedback. This project has received funding from the Economic and Social Research Council through grant number ES/N01734X/1, the Spanish Ministry of Science through a Ramón y Cajal Fellowship (PI: Ignacio Jurado), and Spanish Agencia Estatal de Investigación (grant PID2020-119460RB-I00)
Project:
Gobierno de España. PID2020-119460RB-I00
Keywords:
Survey experiment
,
Globalization
,
European Union
,
Economic voting
Economic voting is commonly seen as a cornerstone of democratic accountability. Recent work argues that globalization attenuates it by blurring responsibility and constraining the room to maneuver of domestic governments. Here we explore the consequences of anEconomic voting is commonly seen as a cornerstone of democratic accountability. Recent work argues that globalization attenuates it by blurring responsibility and constraining the room to maneuver of domestic governments. Here we explore the consequences of another factor that also shrinks policy maneuver: Membership of Supranational Institutions. In a pre-registered survey experiment fielded in Spain in May 2018, we manipulate information both about economic performance and about the Eurozone rules that constrain domestic policy-making. Our results show that supranational constraints do not attenuate accountability for bad economic outcomes. Instead, supranational constraints lead to a backlash against both the incumbent and other mainstream parties. We interpret the evidence as suggestive that voters blame these parties for having consented to the supranational rules in the first place and for how their implementation limits domestic responses to bad economic performance. These results show that the room to maneuver argument of the globalization literature cannot be simply extended to membership of supranational organizations.[+][-]